[Marxistindia] Draft Political Resolution for 22nd CPI(M) Congress

[news from the cpi(m)]

February 13, 2018


Press Release


Highlights of the Draft Political Resolution


The Draft Political Resolution for the 22nd Congress of the Communist
Party of India (Marxist) which was adopted at the Central Committee
meeting held in Kolkata from January 19 to 21 is being released for
discussions within the Party at all levels.

The Draft Resolution deals comprehensively with the prevailing
international and national situation and sets out the political and
tactical line and the tasks to be adopted by the Party. Some of the
highlights of the Draft Resolution are as follows:


International Situation


The main features of the international situation since the 21st Congress
are the following:

(i) Though there are forecasts of a modest global economic recovery, the
systemic crisis of global capitalism that manifested itself in the
financial meltdown in 2008 continues.

(ii) This is leading to further intensification of economic exploitation
of the vast majority of the people and attacks on their democratic rights
in all capitalist countries. Protest actions and struggles against these
attacks continue to grow in various countries of the world.

(iii) This continued economic crisis of global capitalism has resulted in
further widening the economic inequalities both globally and in individual
countries.

(iv) In its efforts to consolidate its global hegemony and to overcome the
negative impact of the economic crisis, US imperialism is displaying
greater all-round aggressiveness, particularly through political and
military interventions.

(v) In Latin America, a serious confrontation with US political and
military interventions is taking place in various countries. USA is using
its entire arsenal to destabilise the Left-led governments in the
continent and to reverse the popular anti-imperialist tide among the
people.

(vi) The period has seen a further political rightward shift in many
countries in the world with the rise of extreme rightwing and neo-fascist
forces in Europe. The ascendancy of Donald Trump as the President of USA,
representing the most reactionary sections of the US ruling class, further
strengthened this trend.

(vii) During this period the cohesion of the imperialist camp and the
muting of the inter-imperialist contradictions that we had noted in the
21st Congress, under the impact of this prolonged crisis of
neo-liberalism, is getting unstuck, with new conflict points and
contradictions emerging between imperialist centres.

(viii) Efforts towards establishing multipolarity in the international
political-economic order face new problems with a pronounced pro-US shift
in some countries like ours.

(ix) The future of international treaties like those on climate change and
the WTO have entered a stage of uncertainty with the USA unilaterally
withdrawing from some, and preferring to seek bilateral arrangements with
independent countries as against multilateral arrangements.

(x) In all countries that constitute our neighbourhood very important
developments are taking place which have a direct bearing for our
stability and good neighbourly relations.

(xi) Socialist Countries: During this period, China’s strength and global
influence has grown. Vietnam and Cuba have achieved a reasonable and
sustainable growth of their economies. The main issue concerning DPRK is
centred around its nuclear programme and missile deployment.

(xii) The observations of the centenary of the October Revolution along
with annual international meetings of the Communist and Workers Parties
continue to articulate international communist solidarity.

Strengthen Anti-Imperialist Solidarity

The CPI(M) will vigorously conduct a campaign amongst the Indian people
against the abject surrender of the BJP government to US imperialism and
reducing India to the status of becoming a subordinate strategic ally of
US imperialism. The CPI(M) will oppose the manifestations of this
subordinate status in all spheres – economic, strategic, defence and
foreign policy.

The CPI(M) continues to extend its full support to the Palestinian
struggle against Israeli occupation and for realising to the Palestinian
people their long denied right to a homeland.

The CPI(M) will vehemently oppose the growing US-Israel-India nexus being
advanced by the present BJP government.

The CPI(M) continues to firmly oppose all forms and varieties of terrorism
sponsored by individual groups or State-sponsored terrorism.

The CPI(M) expresses its solidarity with the socialist countries of China,
Vietnam, DPRK, Cuba and Laos and fully supports the efforts to strengthen
socialism in their respective countries.

The CPI(M) expresses its solidarity with all forces fighting against
fundamentalism, religious fanaticism, obscurantism and reactionary forces.

The CPI(M) will further strengthen its links with the Left revolutionary
movements all over the world, particularly in South Asia and Latin
America.

The CPI(M) extends its complete solidarity with the socialist countries
targeted by imperialism in various ways.



National Situation


The nearly four years of the Modi Government has led to the onset of a
right-wing authoritarian-communal regime. This regime is characterised by
an intensified pursuit of neo-liberal policies, resulting in all round
attacks on the working people; the concerted effort to implement the RSS’s
Hindutva agenda which threatens the secular democratic framework of the
State, accompanied by attacks on the minorities and dalits; a
reinforcement of the strategic alliance with the United States and playing
the role of a subordinate ally; and building the architecture of
authoritarianism by curbing parliamentary democracy, subverting
constitutional institutions and democratic rights.

Economic Situation

Over the course of the last three years and nine months, the Modi
Government has brought the Indian economy to the brink of a crisis.
Although the government tried its best to conceal the economic slowdown by
fudging the statistics, the truth is out. While the GDP series was revised
to make it look better, even by the revised GDP series, growth has
steadily declined from 8 per cent in 2015-16 to the estimated 6.5 per cent
for 2017-18. This is the lowest rate of growth in four years. Statistics
from the Labour Bureau show that, for the first time in Independent India,
the absolute level of employment shrank between 2013-14 and 2016-17.

While there are several sector-specific factors that have contributed to
the economic slowdown, demonetisation and implementation of the GST regime
stand out as policy initiatives that have disastrously affected all the
major sectors.

Demonetisation has adversely affected small retail traders and also
resulted in the closure of many small and medium enterprises (SMEs)
leading to massive job losses. Livelihood of unorganised workers was
severely affected. Peasants were unable to market their produce, nor
purchase seeds and fertilizers for the next sowing season.


The introduction of GST is a pro-corporate measure which has increased the
burdens on the people and is a part of the neo-liberal offensive of the
government. The GST regime has undqermined the federal structure which
adversely affects the rights of the states and has increased the scale of
indirect taxation. GST has put new burdens on the common people, small and
tiny enterprises, traders and unorganised sector occupations. Various
sectors of industries and services have been badly affected.

As part of the aggressive pursuit of neo-liberal policies, the Modi
Government has launched a large-scale privatisation drive. This has three
aspects: (a) privatizing State-owned sectors like defence production,
railways, banking, and so on; (b) opening the State sector to 100 per cent
FDI; and (c) privatisation of basic services like electricity
distribution, water supply and transport. Thus, the Modi Government is
providing a bonanza for big capital, both Indian and foreign.

Every sphere of the working people’s lives and economic activity in rural
India – with respect, for example, to land acquisition and land reform
policy, costs of cultivation and prices of output, credit and insurance
coverage accessible to the poor, food security, animal resources
(especially cattle resources) and international trade – has been set back
severely by the policies of the Modi Government. Demonetisation had a
deeply damaging and contractionary impact on day-to-day rural economic
life as cash transactions predominate in the agricultural economy. The ban
on all forms of cattle slaughter in BJP-ruled states and restrictions on
cattle trade have adversely affected the farmers.

The biggest failure of the Modi Government has been on employment.
According to the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) data, about
1.5 million (15 lakh) jobs were lost during January-April 2017 as compared
to the previous four months of September to December 2016. Every month
around 10 lakh people are entering the labour force, with many unable to
find jobs and remaining unemployed.

Hindutva offensive

The last nearly four years have seen the unfolding of the blueprint of the
RSS utilising State power to infiltrate RSS personnel in key positions in
various institutions of the State. Most of the Governors of states
appointed are BJP-RSS men, some of whom utilise their positions to
advocate the communal agenda. Constitutional bodies are being subverted
from within. BJP and RSS leaders openly express their desire to change the
Constitution.

While the Hindutva agenda is imposed from above by the central government,
at the ground level, the RSS-led Hindutva outfits have a free run. With a
view to target the Muslims, gau rakshak gangs set upon cattle traders or
farmers and conduct lynch-mob attacks. There have been over thirty
killings on the issue of cow slaughter or beef in the past three years in
these fascistic-type attacks. The BJP-RSS state governments openly
patronise and back cow vigilantes. Targetting Muslims for ‘love jihad’ and
branding them as ‘anti-national’ are other instruments used by the
Hindutva brigade to create communal polarisation.

Growing Resistance, Widening struggles

The period has been marked by the growing resistance against the Modi
Government’s economic policies, the communal agenda and authoritarian
onslaughts.

(i) There have been united struggles of the peasantry, chief among them
being the eleven-day strike by farmers in Maharashtra and the follow up
protests; the spontaneous struggles of farmers in Mandsaur (Madhya
Pradesh) and neighbouring districts; the struggle against the amendments
to the Santhal Pargannas and Chhotanagpur Tenancy Acts in Jharkhand; and
the sustained and widespread movement of farmers with the support of all
sections of the rural population in Sikar and five other districts in
Rajasthan. These struggles succeeded in wresting some of the demands from
the state governments. The Kisan Parliament on November 20-21 organised by
a united platform of 187 organisations saw a big mobilisation of kisans
from all over the country. This was the most significant united kisan
action in recent times. In all these struggles, the All India Kisan Sabha
played a vital role.

(ii) The united platform of trade unions conducted a general strike on
September 2, 2016 which widened the participation of workers and
employees. There have been important sector-wise strike struggles against
privatisation by bank employees, steel workers and BSNL employees. Notable
among them was the anganwadi workers sit-in struggle in Bengaluru. The
three-day joint mahapadav of workers from November 9 to 11, 2017, outside
Parliament in Delhi saw more than a lakh workers participating in a unique
protest action. In all these struggles, the Centre of Indian Trade Unions
played a vital role.

(iii) Against the communal authoritarian onslaughts there have been
struggles of the students in central universities like JNU, HCU, FTII,
etc. There have been mass protests and rallies against the fascistic type
of attacks on minorities by cow vigilantes and killing of writers and
journalists. A large number of prominent writers and artists returned
their awards after Kalburgi’s killing. There were countrywide protests
after Gauri Lankesh’s killing.

(iv) There were countrywide protest actions on the death of Rohit Vemula
and the Una atrocity on dalits and united campaigns by Left and dalit
organisations. The Dalit Swabhiman Sangharsh Manch emerged as a platform
of Left parties and dalit organisations which conducted rallies in various
centers.

(v) A platform of mass, class organisations and social movements has been
set up, the Jan Ekta, Jan Adhikar Aandolan in September 2017. It has set
out a charter of demands around which united campaigns and struggles will
be launched.

To sum up the situation:

The BJP has consolidated its political position. Under the Modi
Government, there has been an intensification of the neo-liberal
capitalist exploitation of the people; the secular-democratic framework of
the Constitution is being eroded with the pursuit of the Hindutva agenda;
and the BJP-led government has bound India closer to the imperialist
strategy of the United States. All this marks the onset of an
authoritarian-communal regime.

At the same time, there are signs of growing popular discontent against
the Modi Government’s policies, which are also manifested in the growing
resistance and struggles of different sections of the people. The
contradictions between the ruling classes on the one hand, and the working
class and peasantry on the other, have grown. We must intervene in the
situation to take forward the various struggles of the working people.


The Party should step up its intervention to advance the struggles of
various sections of the working people against the economic burdens being
imposed upon them. Combining these struggles against the impact of the
neo-liberal policies with the struggles against the communal agenda is the
way to advance the struggle against the BJP-RSS combine. The struggles
against the neo-liberal policies, Hindutva communalism and
authoritarianism, are all inextricably interlinked.

Position of Political Parties

The BJP, as the Party Programme points out, is “a reactionary party with a
divisive and communal platform, the reactionary content of which is based
on hatred against other religions, intolerance and ultra-nationalist
chauvinism. The BJP is no ordinary bourgeois party as the fascistic
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh guides and dominates it. When the BJP is in
power, the RSS gets access to the instruments of State power and the State
machinery.” The BJP is run and controlled by the fascistic RSS.

At present, the BJP is in government solely or in coalition in 19 out of
29 states. It has a majority in the Lok Sabha and has emerged as the
single largest party in the Rajya Sabha. For the first time the President
and Vice President both belong to the BJP-RSS stock.

The Congress party has the same class character as that of the BJP. It
represents the interests of the big bourgeois-landlord classes. Its
political influence and organisation has been declining and it has
conceded the space as the premier ruling class party to the BJP. The
Congress professes to be secular but it has proved to be incapable of
consistently fighting the communal forces. The Congress had pioneered the
neo-liberal agenda and forged the strategic alliance with the United
States when it was in power. As the main opposition party, it continues to
advocate these policies.


The political representatives of the big bourgeoisie at present in our
country are the BJP and the Congress. Based on our programmatic
understanding, the Congress represents the interests of the big
bourgeoisie and landlords and adopts pro-imperialist policies. Therefore,
we cannot have a tactical line which treats them as allies or partners in
a united front.

But it is the BJP which is in power today and given its basic link to the
RSS, it is the main threat. So, there cannot be a line of treating both
the BJP and the Congress as equal dangers.

Our approach should be to cooperate with the Congress and other secular
opposition parties in parliament on agreed issues. Outside parliament, we
should cooperate with all secular opposition forces for a broad
mobilisation of people against the communal threat. We should foster joint
actions of class and mass organisations, in such a manner that can draw in
the masses following the Congress and other bourgeois parties.

There are regional parties which have not joined hands with the BJP. We
should try and develop united actions on people’s issues, against
communalism and authoritarian attacks with these parties wherever
possible.

The role and politics of specific regional parties in a state must be
taken into account while working out our tactical approach to them. Such
an approach must keep in mind advancing the Party’s interest and for
rallying the Left and democratic forces. However, there is no scope for a
national level alliance with the regional parties.

Strengthen Party & Left and Democratic Alternative

The key to the advance of the Party and building the Left and Democratic
Front is increasing the independent strength of the Party. This has become
all the more important given the setbacks in West Bengal and the lack of
advance in other states apart from Kerala and Tripura. It is only by
expanding the base and influence of the Party that we can go towards the
Left and democratic alternative. This requires an all-sided and concerted
effort to forge live links with the people and to develop class and mass
struggles and consolidate these into political influence.

Efforts to bring together the Left, democratic forces including parties,
mass organizations, democratic organizations, social movements and
intellectuals around a programme relevant to the state must be made in all
the states. At the same time, the Left and democratic alternative should
be projected at the national level through united Left platforms.

The draft sets out the main points of the Left and democratic programme
which represents alternative policies. They include basic demands of the
working class, peasantry, rural labour and other sections of the working
people. It is around these issues and demands that the Left and democratic
forces can be rallied to build class struggles and mass movements.

Political Line


(i) Given the experience of the nearly four years rule of the Modi
Government it is imperative to defeat the BJP government in order to
isolate the Hindutva communal forces and reverse the anti-people economic
policies.

(ii) Thus, the main task is to defeat the BJP and its allies by rallying
all the secular and democratic forces. However, this has to be done
without having an understanding or electoral alliance with the Congress
party.

(iii) The Party will fight against the neo-liberal policies being pursued
by the BJP government at the Centre and by the various state governments
including those run by the regional parties. The Party will strive to
develop united actions on the issues of people’s livelihood and against
the onslaught of the economic policies.

(iv) Joint platforms for mass movements and united struggles at all levels
must be built up. Resistance to the anti-people policies should be
intensified. The united actions of the class and mass organisations must
seek to draw in the masses following the bourgeois parties.

(v) Given the serious challenge posed by the Hindutva forces both inside
and outside the government it is essential to build platforms for the
widest mobilisation of all secular and democratic forces. The emphasis
should be on building unity of people to fight the communal forces at the
grassroots. These are not to be seen as political or electoral alliances.
Similarly, broad unity to fight against the authoritarian attacks on
democratic rights should be forged.

(vi) The Party will give priority to developing and building the
independent strength of the Party. It will work to broaden and strengthen
Left unity.

(vii) All Left and democratic forces should be brought together on a
concrete programme to conduct united struggles and joint movements through
which the Left and democratic front can emerge. In states, the various
Left and democratic forces should be rallied to form a platform around a
concrete programme. At the national level, the Left and democratic
alternative should be projected in our political campaigns and to rally
all those forces who can find a place in the Left and democratic front.

(viii) Appropriate electoral tactics to maximize the pooling of the
anti-BJP votes should be adopted based on the above political line of the
Party.

Tasks in the Present Situation

(1) The struggle against the Modi Government’s economic policies must be
intensified. All sections of the working people subjected to the
exploitation and attacks of the neo-liberal policies must be mobilised and
organised to fight for jobs, land, food, wages and livelihood. The Party
should intervene in all the spontaneous struggles which develop and take
them forward.

(2) The Party and mass organisations have to be in the forefront of the
fight against Hindutva communalism. This struggle has to be conducted in
the social, cultural, political and ideological spheres. There should be a
broad platform forged of the secular democratic forces to counter the
activities of the communal forces.

(3) The Party should step up its efforts to advance the interests of the
socially oppressed sections. The Party has to consistently champion the
rights of women and counter the growing violence against women. The Left
and dalit united platforms should be carried forward. The Party has to
defend the rights of adivasis in all spheres. Broad unity to protect the
rights of minorities should be forged.

(4) The Party has to expand its campaigns to mobilise people in defence of
national sovereignty and against the growing imperialist influence in the
country facilitated by the strategic alliance with the United States. It
should expose the ultra-nationalist posture of the BJP which is used to
cover the subservience to US imperialism.

(5) The Party has to mobilise the widest forces to counter the growing
authoritarianism. There should be a broad mobilisation against the attacks
on democracy, artistic freedom and academic autonomy.

(6) The Party must give priority to strengthening its independent role and
expanding its influence and mass base by building up class and mass
struggles. The Party has to pay special attention to the struggle against
the attacks on democracy and violence against the Party and the Left Front
in West Bengal. The defence of the Left-led governments in Tripura and
Kerala is an important task.

(7) Left unity should be strengthened overcoming the existing shortcomings
by focusing on joint actions and campaigns based on a Left platform. This
should be the basis for drawing in other democratic organisations and
forces around a Left and democratic programme. It is through the movements
and struggles around such a programme that a real alternative – the Left
and democratic alternative will emerge.







(Hari Singh Kang)
For Central Committee Office

The PDF version of the Draft Political Resolution available at
http://cpim.org/documents/xxii-congress-draft-pol-resolution